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Author Topic: Lost Worlds off Britain  (Read 819 times)
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Solomon
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« on: November 23, 2006, 12:25:55 PM »



Sea levels change and some of the waters off the British Isles were once above sea level and inhabited. This thread is to look at the maritime archaeology of those areas.

The subject is also prone of mythology and as long as we recognise the difference, I see nothing wrong with celebrating both.

Solomon
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Solomon
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« Reply #1 on: November 23, 2006, 02:07:04 PM »

The scope of Strategic Environmental Assessment of Irish Sea Area SEA6 in regard to prehistoric archaeological remains

Executive Summary
The SEA6 area comprises the UK sector of the Irish Sea, that is the bulk of the Irish Sea itself, and part
of the coastal waters of Northern Ireland. In order to understand and prioritise the nature of prehistoric
archaeological sites which might occur on the sea floor this report considers the context of all the
adjacent land masses, including the Irish Republic, and to the south the Celtic Sea and western
Channel. Prehistoric submarine archaeological remains back to a date of about 225,000 years ago,
Palaeolithic, Mesolithic and Neolithic, could occur with low probability in many parts of the SEA6 area.
Palaeolithic archaeological sites as old as 225,000 years Before Present (BP) occur at locations on the
Welsh coast, with a great density of sites from the later Mesolithic and Neolithic. Some sites therefore
pre-date the last interglacial high sea level, and although they were covered by the Devensian ice
sheet, material inside caves survived.

The penultimate glaciation, the Anglian covered the whole Irish Sea, and southern Wales and Ireland,
but the last one the Devensian, left the southern Irish Sea exposed, and also left southern Wales and
the southern rim of Ireland exposed. The deep channel known as the Celtic Trough is the cumulative
effect of over-deepened scour by ice sheets and meltwater tunnelling, partially infilled by glacial and
marine sediments. It is deepest at the northern end. Occupied caves co-existing with the last ice sheet
have been found in southern Wales, but not in southern Ireland. Particular attention is given in this
report to Oxygen Isotope Stage 3, 64,000-22,000 years before present, for which sophisticated
reconstructions of the climate and vegetation of western Europe have recently been made.
There are also Palaeolithic sites in southern England, the Channel Islands, and Brittany. At the time of
the maximum glaciation of the Devensian, people were probably living on the floor of the English
Channel and the exposed plains of the Celtic Sea, as well as in Cornwall, and on the ice edge in
southern Wales itself. Submerged prehistoric sites have been found in the English Channel. The reoccupation of Wales and Ireland could have been as much from the south, as from the east, when the
ice retreated. This could explain some of the highly developed Mesolithic sites in Ireland which seem to
pre-date the equivalent structures on the British mainland. The rising sea level separated Ireland from
the rest of Britain at about 12,000 years BP, although brief land contact may have been re-established
around 10.5-9.5 ka BP due to isostatic uplift.

Evidence from the northern North Sea and the Russian Arctic suggests that some prehistoric peoples
occupied the exposed shelf area during late glacial periods utilising Inuit-style survival methods, and
butchering marine mammals. If this proves to be the case, there may be unexpected occurrence of
early prehistoric sites, Late Palaeolithic, on the Atlantic shelf, and in the southern Irish Sea, where
people could have been hunting marine mammals. Pipe entrenching is the process in the oil and gas
industry which is most likely to disturb prehistoric archaeological deposits. Commercial site
investigation using acoustics and coring could provide beneficial new archaeological data.

Reinterpretation
of existing acoustic data should be carried out whenever possible in order to reveal the
Pleistocene low sea level landscape and drainage. The paper concludes with tentative suggestions for
discussion of protocols and a reporting regime.


2. Overview of known and likely areas with prehistoric archaeological
remains, with mapped indications of relative likelihood of the presence of
remains (sensitivity mapping) and with hotspots identified.

2.1 During the last million years the British landmass has been connected by dry land to the
mainland of Europe for far more time than it has been separated by sea, and the Irish Sea was dry land
or blocked by ice sheets for much of this period (Fig. 1). The earliest occupation of the British mainland
by hominids, Homo heidelbergensis, occurred about 500,000 years Before Present (BP) (Pitts and
Roberts, 1997), and recent evidence suggests that it could be as early as 700,000 years BP. In Wales
three stages of human occupation can be identified, with early Neanderthals at Pontnewydd Cave near
Llandudno dating to about 225 ka (thousand years) BP, Coygan Cave with classic Neanderthal at about
50 ka BP near Tenby, and Paviland Cave with modern humans at about 26 ka BP, on the Gower
peninsula. Of these sites Coygan and Paviland are very close to the present shore, while Pontnewydd
is 8km inland. In addition, Kendrick's Cave, on the Great Orme peninsula near Llandudno, has
revealed Late Upper Palaeolithic materials dated to 10 ka BP. Lynch et al. (2000, p.9, Fig. 1.4) map 28
major Palaeolithic sites in Wales, of which approximately half are either on or very close to the coast.

The proximity of occupied Palaeolithic caves so close to the shore suggests that sites of similar age
might be found on the continental shelf. In principle human and proto-human artefacts may therefore
have been deposited in sediments or caves on the continental shelf at any time in the last half million
years whenever the glacial control of world sea level caused the floor of the Irish Sea to be exposed.
However, the facts that the ice sheets of the last two glaciations both scoured the floor of the Irish
Sea, and that great thickness of infill and sediments has accumulated in some areas since the last
glaciation, make the survival and discovery of sites problematic.

2.2 The Ancient Human Occupation of Britain (AHOB) project led by Chris Stringer at the Natural
History Museum has analysed the various phases during which hominids could cross into the British
isles, and when they were either isolated, or absent (Fig. 2.). From this figure it can be seen that
Britain was cut off from the mainland of Europe only briefly for about 10 ka at the last interglacial 125
ka BP, and again for longer at about 200-230 ka BP, and briefly at 330 ka and 400 ka. At all other
times in the last half million years you could walk across the English Channel, or live there. At the
same time, large parts of Scandinavia and northern Britain were covered in ice sheets, which
sometimes extended as far south as the Thames, and covered almost the whole of Wales and Ireland
(Figs.3, 4). Thus the favourability for hominids living on the British Isles was determined as much by
the proximity of the ice sheet as the contact with France or the Netherlands. Human sites do not exist
at all on the British Isles between the dates 21-13 ka BP. The occupation of the English Channel,
Ireland and the floor of the Celtic Sea at this time is possible, and people would then migrate back to
Ireland and the floor of the Irish Sea when the ice melted, since people were certainly driven out of
these areas completely when the ice expanded to its maximum. On the other hand, if people were
living on the floor of the Celtic Sea, or on the Atlantic margins, the migration routes may have been
more complex. In Stringer's analysis, Pontnewydd appears as the type site for the last interglacial,
stressing the importance of this region for the whole of the British Isles.

2.3. Van Andel and Davies (2003) have published a multi-disciplinary analysis of the climatic
fluctuations during Oxygen Isotope Stage 3, approximately 60-24 ka BP, and the consequent effects
on the distribution of Neanderthal and anatomically modern humans (AMH). The study consists of a
concatenated sequence of models describing the temporal and regional variation of temperature,
precipitation, seasonal variability and extremes, snow cover, wind speed, vegetation, fauna, wind-chill
factor, and habitability for hominids. During OIS-3 the Greenland ice core data GISP2, (Meese et
al,.1997; Johnsen et al, 2001) show rapid fluctuations of temperature of the order of 5-100C every few
thousand years, the so-called Dansgaard/Oeschger oscillations. The models are run on a 60 x 60km
grid resolution (Van Andel and Davies, 2003, p.58) and this necessarily limits the accuracy, as well as
there being some uncertainties as to how one model output relates causally to the next model.
Nevertheless, the sequence of calculations and plotted maps, correlated with summaries of known
major archaeological sites, provides a thought-provoking analysis. The maps and calculations should
be used in future as a starting point in studies which attempt to understand where people would have
been living on the sea floor at times of low sea level. Unfortunately Van Andel and Davies (2003) do
not take into account any archaeological data from the seabed, or any of the known occurrences of
fossil fauna or human occupation sites on the sea floor of North West Europe.

2.4 The ice sheet of the penultimate glaciation, the Anglian, covered the whole of Ireland and
Wales, and the floor of the Irish Sea (Fig. 3). The Anglian glacial maximum was at about 300-350 ka
BP. The last glaciation, the Devensian, with a maximum at 20 ka BP, was slightly smaller in extent,
and the ice sheet stopped just short of the southern coasts of Wales and Ireland, leaving small strips
of the present coastal lands free of ice (Fig. 4). The great majority of Palaeolithic sites in Wales are
on Carboniferous Limestones, suggesting that they survive in caves. Most open sites would have
been destroyed by later ice movements. Also, rather curiously, some of the southern Welsh
Palaeolithic sites were very close to the ice margin, suggesting that AMH, who arrived in central and
northern Europe about 30 ka BP, could adapt efficiently to living in very cold conditions.

2.5 The possibility or probability that humans were living in the northern borders of England and
around the fringes of Scotland before 10,000 BP is being investigated at the University of Newcastle
by Dr Penny Spikins through a project entitled "Submerged Archaeological Landscape Team" (SALT).
A post-graduate dissertation by Miriam Cantley entitled "Is there a convincing argument for late-glacial
occupation of Northern Britain?" (University of Newcastle, web-site, 2004) is directly relevant to the
present assessment. This work is not yet complete. The question of pre-glacial maximum occupation
of Scotland was discussed in the reports on SEA4 and 5 by Flemming (2003, 2004).

2.6 The Mesolithic period, starting about 10,000 years BP, introduces the technologies of hut
construction, more sophisticated tools, microliths, sophisticated hunting techniques, recoverable
canoes, and more evidence of fishing and the use of coastal resources. Forests were spreading over
the British Isles, with birch, juniper, and pine progressively giving way to larger deciduous trees, and
finally the landscape was dominated by oak, elm, lime, ash and alder by 7,000 years BP. Mesolithic
peoples used fire to clear forest and improve the scope for hunting. Because the sea level was still
rising, sites which are now situated on the coast would actually have been several miles inland, and
hunters were probably roaming the coast plains which are now submerged (Lynch et al., 2000, p. 28).
The presence of drowned forests and submerged freshwater peats at several locations on the Welsh
coast confirms the preservation, at least in part, of this drowned terrestrial landscape (Steers, 1948,
p.125, 140, 144-5).

2.7. Anatomically modern humans (AMH) were present in Ireland by about 10 ka BP in the early
Mesolithic, and the transition to Neolithic farming only took place in 6000 BP, the last agricultural
revolution in Europe apart from northern Scandinavia ((Malone, p.11). The population density during
the Mesolithic was extremely low, about 1 person per km2, with variation from 5/km2 in the densest
areas, and 1/20km2 in the lowest densities (Malone, p.18). Before the peak of the last glaciation the
fauna of Ireland included woolly mammoth, brown bear, arctic fox, the Irish giant deer, and reindeer.
Archaeologists have made extensive searches to discover signs of human occupation before the
glacial maximum, but nothing definite has been found. Harbison (1988, p.17) describes some
interesting flints which were supposed at various dates to be Palaeolithic, but concludes that none of
them were both genuinely Palaeolithic and in situ. Curiously, a Palaeolithic worked flint found at Mell,
near Drogheda, was probably ??dislodged from a layer perhaps a quarter of a million years old.
Mitchell?s interpretation was that it was a piece of Palaeolithic hunter?s waste which had probably
been deposited somewhere in the base of the Irish Sea before being brought {inland} by icemovement??
(Harbison, 1988, p.17). The analysis so far establishes the broad picture that there was
pre-glacial maximum occupation of Wales, with archaeological material surviving close to the coast,
while artefacts identified beyond doubt as in situ only establish AMH occupation of Scotland and
Ireland after the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM).

2.8 Figures 5 and 6 (Lambeck, 1995, Shennan et al., 2000b) show the sequence of ice sheet limits,
coastline, and the impact of rising sea level on the British Isles, including Ireland, for the melting of the
Devensian ice cap. Lambeck (1995) and Shennan et al. (2000a, 2000b) have produced models
which combine the compensation for the addition and removal of the weight of ice (Glacial isostatic
correction) and for the removal and addition of weight of water (Hydro-isostatic correction) during the
rising sea level (see Figs 5 and 6). In Figures 5(a)-5(d) we see the north British ice cap melting
rapidly from 22,000 to 14,000 years ago. As the weight of ice is removed the land rises faster than
the global sea level, so that the area of dry land increases throughout this period, both northwards
and south-westwards. By 12,000 years BP the sea is beginning to overflow the land (Fig. 5(e)) and,
although a small ice cap forms briefly around 10,000 years BP, the sea continues to rise faster than
the land, forming deep bays and gulfs penetrating into the North Sea, isolating Dogger Bank, and
separating the Straits of Dover about 7,000 years BP (Fig. 5(h)). In the Irish Sea by 18,000 BP the
Celtic Trough appears as an over-deepened basin filling with meltwater from the north, as a
periglacial lake (Fig. 5(b)). This situation continues to 14,000 BP with an extensive land-mass to the
south linking Ireland, Wales, Cornwall, the Celtic Sea basin, the English Channel and Brittany.

2.9 By 12 ka BP a channel of sea water breaks through at north and south, and Ireland is
separated from Britain and the European mainland. The Isle of Man remains connected to the
mainland until 10,000 BP. A variation of this scenario is provided by Tappin et al. (1994, p.87, Fig.
65), with the initial breakthrough earlier at about 16,000 BP, followed by the isostatic uplift of the land
overtaking the sea level rise from 10,500 to 9,500 years BP producing land connections from
Cornwall to Waterford in Ireland, and then from Bardsey Island in Wales to Wicklow Head in Ireland.
This sequence is derived from the analysis of sediment deposits on the floor of the Irish Sea, rather
than the generalised eustatic+isostatic model for the whole north-west shelf.

2.10 Fitzhugh (2002) sets out the strong evidence for early human exploitation of the food resources
of the circum-polar zone, using life-strategies similar to modern Inuit or Eskimos. Zhokhov Island, north
of Siberia, in the Laptev Sea, is the northernmost Arctic site occupied at 8400 years BP (Pitulko, 2001).
Excavations at the Mamontovaya Kurya site on the Usa River, inside the Arctic circle, revealed stone
tools and carved mammoth tusks nearly 40,000 years BP (Pavlov et al., 2001). The exploitation of
marine mammals, especially seals, walruses, and cetaceans must be considered for peoples living in
circum-polar conditions. Anyone who has seen a walrus haul-out will know how clumsy the animals are
on the beach. They would have been the most attractive prey for any peoples who chose to live on the
northern or north-west margins of Europe during peak glaciation, or as early as, say, 12-14,000 years
BP. The reported recovery by Dutch fishermen of walrus bones showing signs of cut-marks and
butchery from 56o North in the central North Sea (Klaas Post, personal communication) strongly
suggests this possibility. This type of culture may correlate with the otherwise curious retrieval of a
lithic artefact off the Viking Bank from a depth of 145m (Long et al., 1986). Wickham-Jones has pointed
out (2003, personal communication) that the availability of large quantities of fat from marine mammals
is an important component of a glacial climate diet, since the hunter-gatherer diet inland tends to be too
lean to support human survival in extreme cold.

2.11 Pitulko et al. (2004) show that modern humans were living in the Russian Arctic at 72o North on
the delta of the Yana River about 30,000 years BP. Tools of stone and bone were found. The area
was never covered by thick ice, and remained suitable for large herbivores throughout the last
glaciation. This site and others of similar age (Pavlov et al., 2001) show that people were living in the
high Arctic before the last glacial maximum. In the region of Scandinavia, in the areas where the ice
cap and glaciers were presumably similar to present conditions at the last interglacial, any population
would have been forced to migrate outwards as the ice thickened and grew in extent. While humans
may have exploited floating sea ice and the peri-glacial tundra for terrestrial and marine mammals, they
cannot have existed very close to the ice cap itself, or in the land areas actually covered by ice. This
argument applies equally to any population of Scotland after the last interglacial, if any. Thus
determination of the limit of the ice sheet at different dates is critical to understanding where people
might have lived, exploiting an Inuit-style of life on the outer margins of the continental shelf during the
glacial maximum. The failure to find pre-Devensian sites in most of the northern UK, other than a few
cave sites, is in marked contrast to the Russian experience. Professor Ole Gron (personal
communication, 2005) has expressed the view that this failure may be due the earlier archaeological
materials being buried beneath a thick sterile layer below the post-Devensian occupation site. In
Russian excavations it is not uncommon to excavate through a post-glacial site, then several metres of
deposits with no anthropogenic signs, and then to find a deeper pre-glacial archaeological site below
that. Such persistence is not common in western Europe.

2.12 In northern peri-glacial conditions the availability of protein for prehistoric peoples close to the
shore was higher than in the hinterland (Momber, 2000, 2001; Fischer, 1995). At glacial maximum
when the sea did not penetrate into the Irish Sea or North Sea area any inhabitants would have
depended on large mammals such as mammoth and reindeer. Typical maps and discussions of the
food base tend to emphasise the availability of terrestrial mammals on the continental shelf (e.g.
Barton, 1997, p.134). Fischer (1995, 2002) has added the importance of coastal fish and shellfish.
Later, Mesolithic peoples would have benefited from the resources of wetlands and estuaries.
Flemming (1996) summarises the reasons for prehistoric peoples being attracted to the coast, and
estimates that, as sea level fell, vegetation and fauna would colonise the exposed land close to the
shoreline within a few decades. Bailey (2003) has recently summarised the strong case for coastal
dwelling during prehistoric times.

2.13 Human remains in south Wales have been found a few km from the ice front (Woodcock, 2000,
p.404; Lynch et al., 2000, p.8), so cold itself was not a deterrent. Palaeolithic hunters required fresh
water, food supplies, a supply of flints, bone and wood to make weapons and tools, some timber for
fires, shelter, skins for clothing, and a secure position which might have to be defended, with good
routes of access, and the option to move or migrate with the seasons, or with changing supplies of fish,
shellfish, or mammals. Mesolithic settlements with constructed dwellings were often positioned so as to
be convenient to fish traps and fish weirs on the coast. Knowledge of these requirements has been
used with great success by archaeologists in the UK and Denmark to predict and interpret submerged
Mesolithic sites (Andersen, 1980; Pedersen et al., 1997; Momber, 2001; Coles 1998, 1999, 2000;
Fischer, 2004; Skaarup and Gron, 2004). Hunting kill sites, flint quarries, flint-knapping sites,
settlements, camps, shell middens, charcoal from fires, and shelters, tend to cluster round shorelines,
estuaries, lagoons, headlands and promontories.

2.14 This places a premium on identifying accurately the ice limits, shorelines and rivers at each
date, and especially those shorelines where the sea level was locally constant for hundreds or
thousands of years, relative to the local land. Under these conditions rivers would tend to create
stable estuaries, and perhaps barrier bars or lagoons and wetlands, waves would erode substantial
rock terraces, cliffs, and caves, and shallow water sediments or peat could accumulate. Because of
the doming of central Scotland the previous shorelines with terraces and caves have been uplifted in
many areas, and several occupied caves are known on raised terraces around Oban (Wickham-
Jones, 1994 p.71-73). The shorelines of Northern Ireland and Scotland on both sides of the North
Channel are still uplifting as part of the outer fringe of the Scottish post-glacial isostatic rebound.

2.15 Taphonomy is the study of the changes which occur to deposits after primary burial.
Archaeological materials may be covered by metres of sediments which protect them indefinitely, or
eroded by ice, eroded by rivers, eroded and scattered by surf action on a beach, eroded by bottom
action of storm waves in shallow water, eroded by tidal currents, chemically altered, or disturbed by
trawling, dredging, entrenching, or drilling. There is insufficient space in this report to discuss all the
processes, conditions, and topography which are most favourable in every combination of
circumstances for the survival of an archaeological artefact in situ which is submerged for at least part
of its existence. The typical conditions for the survival of known submerged archaeological prehistoric
sites are presented in a table by Flemming (1983, p.161-163) classified as Ria, Lagoon, Estuary,
Sheltered alluvial coast, Exposed accumulating beach, Submerged sea caves, Karstic caves, and
Islands and archipelagos. Each site is classified in terms of depth, age, tidal range, current, wind
fetch, and estimated wave action. Peat and submerged forests are important indicators, and Figs 19
and 20, in Louwe Kooijmans (1970/1), illustrate the widespread occurrence of peat on the floor of the
North Sea.

2.16 The topography, seabed geology, and unconsolidated sediments of the Irish Sea are described
by O'Cofaigh and Evans (2001), Tappin et al. (1994) and Jackson et al. (1995). See also Holmes and
Tappin (2005) in the SEA6 technical report series, especially Figures 7 and 13. The detailed analysis
of the regional sediments, with the probability of finding submerged prehistoric sites, will be discussed
in Section 2 27. In broad terms the Quaternary sediments are less than 50m thick over most of the
SEA6 area, with the exception of the central axis of the Celtic Trough, where they can be as much as
300m thick (Fig. 7). The Celtic Trough is flanked on the west by the Irish Platform, and on the east by
the Eastern and Welsh Platforms, where the water depth is usually less than 60m, and the
Quaternary deposits are partially absent, especially around Anglesey. The Celtic Trough itself, and
scattered elongated depressions on the shelves, are interpreted as of glacigenic origin, with three
successive generations of incisions (Jackson et al., 1995, p.85). The Quaternary deposits consist of
glacial tills, clay, pebbles, mud, and some interglacial and artic-like glaciomarine beds. Detailed
cross-sections are shown by Jackson et al. (1995, p.90-92) and Tappin et al. (1994, p.80-81).
Because of the relatively shallow water, and the strong tidal current regime, much of the seafloor is
covered in active, mobile, modern marine bedforms (Fig. 8), gravel furrows, gravel waves, sand
ribbons, and sand waves. North of 53o N the seabed shows relict bedforms from terrestrial
periglacial conditions (Fig. 9) including polygonal periglacial patterned ground and roches moutonn?e.

2.17 Tappin et al. (1994, p. 86-91) describe the relict seabed features and modern marine
sediments south of 53o N. Within the SEA6 sector there are Pleistocene glacial deposits forming
seabed outcrops, fault scarps, infilled channels, and the so-called "sarns". In Cardigan Bay there are
three low ridges of cobbles and boulders stretching out to sea hundreds of metres perpendicular to
the coast. In legend these have been supposed to be the remains of ancient buildings. North (1957)
showed comprehensively that these features are natural glacial features. Tappin et al.( 1994, p.86)
describes them as clast-supported clayey diamictons, covered by gravel, cobbles, and boulders.
Garrard and Dobson (1974) conclude that they are late glacial median moraines formed by the
glaciers descending from the Cambrian Mountains. Tappin et al. (1995, p.86) comment that the sarn
ridges overlie deep incisions, and are similar to the so-called St Patrick's Causeway on the south
coast of County Wexford leading to the Saltees Islands. The origin of these ridges, while undoubtedly
glacial, may be a complex result of ice-rafting, flooding, and moraine material.

2.18 In view of the work of Pitulko et al. (2004) it is important to consider the effect of sea water
rising over archaeological deposits in permafrost, which would indicate the possibility of good
preservation of artefacts. Although other factors also apply, for example ice scour, glacial erosion,
frost shattering, and normal subaerial erosion processes, the critical period for survival of an
archaeological deposit is the time when the surf zone starts to impact on the site, and the ensuing few
hundred years as the sea level rises over the site, and coastal shallow water waves are breaking over
the site, or washing into a cave mouth. Favourable factors for survival in the deposit area include:

- Very low beach gradient and offshore gradient so that wave action is attenuated and is
constructional in the surf zone.
- Minimum fetch so that wave amplitude is minimum, wavelength is short, and wave action on the
seabed is minimum.
- Original deposit to be embedded in peat or packed lagoonal deposits to give resistance and
cohesion during marine transgression. Drowned forests and peat are good indicator
environments.
- Where deposits are in a cave or rock shelter, roof falls, accumulated debris, concretions, breccia,
conglomerate formation, indurated wind-blown sand, all help to secure the archaeological strata.
- Local topography contains indentations, re-entrants, bays, estuaries, beach-bars, lagoons, nearshore
islands, or other localised shelter from dominant wind fetch and currents at the time of
transgression of the surf zone.
- Frozen ground or permafrost enclosing archaeological deposit at time of inundation.

2.19 This brief analysis demonstrates that survival or destruction of an archaeological deposit,
whether originally inland or on the coast, depends acutely upon the local topography within a few
hundred metres or a few km of the site. Generalised coarse resolution maps tend to omit the details
which show the necessary local topographic clues. The BGS 1/250,000 maps, although they are
primarily designed to present sediment data, provide a much more accurate representation of
topography, with isobaths at 10m intervals, than the Admiralty Charts. Additional high resolution
swath bathymetry would be enormously valuable in detecting probable sites. It is no coincidence that
the most prolific area of proven submerged Mesolithic sites is between the islands of the Danish
archipelago, where many hundreds of sites have been mapped and sampled by the National Museum
Maritime Archaeological Institute, and the National Forest and Nature Agency, assisted by amateur
divers (e.g. Skaarup and Gron, 2004). Further submerged Baltic sites have been discovered in
sheltered waters off the coast of northern Germany (Lubke, 2001, 2002). The Bouldnor Cliff site in
the lee of the Isle of Wight on the Solent is protected in the same way. Off Gibraltar a hook-shaped
submerged promontory contains caves facing inwards towards the land which would be protected
from waves while the sea level rose (Flemming, 1963; 1972), and similarly protected sea caves have
been found in the Bay of Villefranche (Flemming, 1972). The ability to reconstruct the conditions
under which Irish Sea archaeological sites were formed and buried has recently been improved by the
sophisticated analysis techniques of Praeg (2003) and Gaffney (2004). Praeg (op. cit.) has used
seismic imaging to detect buried glacial tunnels under modern sediments. Gaffney (op.cit.) has reinterpreted extensive sub-bottom seismic records to detect the changes in sediment characteristics
indicating buried river valleys. This technique has exposed a wide meandering river draining
northwards from the north-east flank of the Dogger Bank in the North Sea, and is being tested on
other parts of the UK shelf.

2.20 The factors in the previous paragraphs are those which promote survival of the original deposit
in situ. However, if an archaeological deposit is buried under 5-10m of mud or sand it will not be
discovered, except in very unusual circumstances. Thus the final requirements for survival and
discovery are:-

- Low net modern sediment accumulation rate so that the artefacts are not buried too deeply.
- No fields of sand waves or megaripples over the site.
- Ideally, a slight change in oceanographic conditions so that the site is being gently eroded to
expose deposits when visited by archaeologists. (This factor is sufficiently common in known sites
to be a serious factor, and should not be regarded as an unlikely fluke).

2.21 Potential discovery "hot-spots" in the SEA6 cannot be listed exhaustively at this stage. The
steps needed to create high resolution local sensitivity maps can be identified, and are discussed later
in this section. In principle the key factors are:-

25
- "Fossil" estuaries and river valleys.
- The flanks of banks and ridges which have been proven to have peat layers, or which are likely to
have peat layers.
- Valleys, depressions, or basins with wetland or marsh deposits.
- Nearshore creeks, mudflats, and peat deposits.
- "Fossil" archipelago topographies where sites would have been sheltered by low-lying islands as
the sea level rose.
- Niche environments in present coastal zones, wetlands, intertidal mudflats, lochs, and estuaries.
- Caves and rock shelters in re-entrant bays, fossil erosional shorelines, submerged rocky shores
protected by other islands, or in archipelagos.
- Deposits of sediments formed within, or washed into rocky gullies and depressions.
- "Fossil" coastal sites comparable by analogy to modern Inuit migratory sites, adjacent to sea ice,
giving access to marine mammals as a food resource.
- Areas of permafrost containing archaeological deposits which were then inundated, and protected
by other factors listed above.

2.22 The changes in and survival of an archaeological site, and the chances of discovery, depend
on the present conditions of winds, waves, and currents in the area, and the water movements on the
seabed.
Logged
Solomon
Guest
« Reply #2 on: November 23, 2006, 02:15:31 PM »

Maritime Archaeology
In this report maritime archaeology refers to archaeology based on the investigation of the remains of ships, boats, maritime infrastructure and such other material remains as provide insights into past societies by way of their seafaring and sea-use. Archaeological issues relating to the wrecks of aircraft are not included.

Submerged prehistoric archaeology is the subject of another report in the Strategic Environmental Assessment of the SEA 6 region. Consequently, submerged prehistoric archaeology is not discussed in detail within this report, although it is alluded to when necessary to highlight the potential for maritime archaeological remains to be found within the submerged prehistoric environments.

After summarising the legislative framework applicable to maritime archaeology, e.g. Protection of Wrecks Act 1973, the history of maritime activity in the Irish Sea from the Palaeolithic times to the present day is reviewed. Examples of historic wrecks, some found in recent years by divers, are given. The spatial distribution of maritime archaeological remains is considered and the possible impacts of oil and gas activities are described. The report concludes with an outline of the methods used in investigating maritime archaeological remains.

The report was prepared by Wessex Archaeology.

Strategic Environmental Assessment: Sea 6: Irish Sea
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Solomon
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« Reply #3 on: November 23, 2006, 02:17:24 PM »

SEA5 Archaeology
Prehistoric submarine archaeological remains back to a date of about 12,000 years ago, Palaeolithic, Mesolithic and Neolithic, could occur with low probability anywhere in the SEA5 area between the northern mainland coast and the eastern boundary of SEA5.

The existence and possible survival of prehistoric sites is complicated by the rapid and continuing uplift of the east coast of Scotland and the immediately adjacent shelf in the Moray Firth, the fact that ice sheet covered part of the seabed obliterating most artefacts earlier than about 20,000 years BP, and that the seabed towards the median line has subsided, and was associated with extensive sea-water lakes and floating sea ice during the glacial maximum.

The combination of post-glacial sea level rise which terminated about 5000 years ago, and the continuing subsidence of the outer shelf, with uplift of the mainland, creates a complex sequence at coastal sites, some of which may have been dry land over 5000 years ago, then covered by the rising sea, and are now uplifted again relative to a constant sea level.

Known submerged prehistoric sites in Orkney, Shetland, Viking Bank, the Yorkshire coast, and Denmark, show that prehistoric sites from the last 5-10,000 years can survive marine transgression.

The strong current conditions in the SEA5 area, the exposure to North Atlantic storms, the thin sediment cover in many places, and the large areas of exposed bedrock, make the exposed areas of the shelf statistically poor prospects for the survival of prehistoric deposits in situ, other than in submerged caves and gullies.

Within sheltered sea lochs and enclosed bays of the east coast of the Shetlands, Orkney and Fair Isle, in submerged gullies, and locally thick sediments, survival is quite likely. Deposits in open shelf gullies are likely to have been transported and re-deposited.

Evidence from the northern North Sea and the Russian Arctic suggests that some prehistoric peoples may have occupied the exposed shelf area during late glacial periods utilising Inuit-style survival methods, and butchering marine mammals. If this proves to be the case, there may be unexpected occurrence of earlier prehistoric sites, Late Palaeolithic, on the north-east shelf.

Pipe entrenching is the process in the oil and gas industry which is most likely to disturb prehistoric archaeological deposits. Commercial site investigation using acoustics and coring could provide beneficial new archaeological data. The paper concludes with tentative suggestions for discussion of protocols and a reporting regime.

This report was prepared by Dr N C Flemming.

The scope of Strategic Environmental Assessment of North Sea Area SEA5 in regard to prehistoric archaeological remains
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Solomon
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« Reply #4 on: November 23, 2006, 02:18:45 PM »

SEA4 Archaeology
This report discusses the potential for prehistoric archaeological remains to exist on the continental shelf part of the SEA4 area. The combination of post-glacial sea level rise and the subsidence of the shelf to the north of the Scottish mainland indicates that a large area of the present shelf, out to a water depth of about 150m on either side of the Orkney-Shetland Ridge, may have been dry land over 5000 years ago.

Submarine archaeological studies in the Danish archipelago have established that coastal sites were an optimal place for prehistoric occupation. There is a great density of prehistoric sites in the Orkney and Shetland archipelagos, dating back to as early as 6000 years BP. Submerged sites could date back to about 9000 years BP.

While shelf sites exposed to strong currents and Atlantic storm conditions are unlikely to have survived, the survival of more protected sites is quite likely. Locations where prehistoric remains might occur and have a high chance of survival are discussed.

The potential impact of oil and gas operations on submarine archaeological remains is discussed. Pipe entrenching is the most likely process to uncover prehistoric archaeological deposits.

This report was prepared by Dr N C Flemming

The scope of Strategic Environmental Assessment of Continental Shelf Area SEA 4 in regard to prehistoric archaeological remains
Executive Summary
Prehistoric submarine archaeological remains back to a date of about 9000 years ago, Mesolithic and
Neolithic, could occur in the SEA4 area between the northern mainland coast and out to a depth of the
order of 150m on either side of the Orkney-Shetland Ridge.
The combination of post-glacial sea level
rise which terminated about 5000 years ago, and the continuing subsidence of the shelf, with uplift of
the mainland, creates a complex sequence at coastal sites which may have been dry land over 5000
years ago, then covered by the rising sea, and are now uplifted again.
Coastal sites in the Hebrides, St
Kilda, Orkneys, and Shetland show that human cultures with seafaring and advanced constructional
techniques occupied northern Scotland at least 9000 years ago.
Known submerged prehistoric sites in
Orkney, Shetland, Viking Bank, and Denmark, show that prehistoric sites from the last 5-10,000 years
can survive marine transgression.
The strong current conditions in the SEA4 area, the exposure to full North Atlantic storm conditions, the thin sediment cover in many places, and the large areas of exposed bedrock, make the exposed areas of the shelf statistically poor prospects for the survival of prehistoric deposits in situ, other than in submerged caves.
Within the sheltered sea lochs and enclosed bays of the archipelagos, in submerged gullies, and locally thick sediments, survival is quite likely.
Deposits in open shelf gullies are likely to have been transported and re-deposited. Evidence from the northern North Sea suggests that some prehistoric peoples may have occupied the exposed shelf area during late glacial periods utilising Inuit-style survival methods, and butchering marine mammals.
If this proves to be the case, there may be unexpected occurrence of earlier prehistoric sites, Late Palaeolithic, on the north-west shelf.
Pipe entrenching is the process in the oil and gas industry which is most likely to disturb prehistoric archaeological deposits.
Commercial site investigation using acoustics and coring could provide beneficial new archaeological data.
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Solomon
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« Reply #5 on: November 23, 2006, 02:19:56 PM »

SEA2/3 Archaeology
This report documents the known and likely occurrence of prehistoric archaeological remains across the whole floor of the North Sea including the SEA3 area, and makes suggestions on how to enhance the finding and reporting of such artefacts.

Sea level change associated with the retreat of the last glaciation led to almost the whole floor of the North Sea being dry land at some time or another in the past 20,000 years. Similar exposure of the North Sea floor was also associated with earlier glacial cycles. Thus prehistoric submarine archaeological artefacts can occur over a wide area of the North Sea floor, as far north as the latitude of the Shetland Islands. While artefacts dating from the last 12,000 years are most likely, human or proto-human artefacts as old as half a million years may have survived in places.

Submarine archaeological studies in the Danish Archipelago have established that coastal sites were an optimal place for prehistoric human occupation. Similar coastal sites existed over many parts of the North Sea floor in the past.

The potential impact of oil and gas operations on submarine archaeological remains is discussed. Pipe entrenching is the most likely process to uncover prehistoric archaeological deposits.

The scope of Strategic Environmental Assessment of North Sea areas SEA3 and SEA2 in regard to prehistoric archaeological remains
Prehistoric submarine archaeological remains back to a date of the order of 100,000 years can occur
over the whole floor of the North Sea, excluding only the coastal waters of Scotland, and possibly a
strip offshore Yorkshire. South of 52? 30' human artefacts as old as 500,000-700,000 years BP could
survive on the sea floor, as also in the English Channel. In practice, artefacts dating from the last
10,000-12,000 years have been found in sites scattered from Viking Bank, to Denmark, Hartlepool,
Dogger Bank, Brown Ridge, the Yorkshire coast, East Anglia, Isle of Wight, Cherbourg, and other
locations. Mammal bones from 500,000 years BP have been found on the floor of the southern North
Sea. Analysis of seabed sedimentology, the geophysical modelling of glacial-eustatic marine
transgressions, predicted locality of prehistoric occupation sites, and the taphonomy of archaeological
deposits result in a consistent picture. Pipe entrenching is the process in the oil and gas industry most
likely to disturb prehistoric archaeological deposits, although dredging for marine aggregates is much
more invasive. Commercial site investigation and sediment coring could provide beneficial new
archaeological data. The paper concludes with tentative suggestions for discussion of protocols and a
reporting regime.
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« Reply #6 on: November 23, 2006, 02:22:05 PM »

People of the Sea

From Mesolithic times, western European peoples were united above all by one thing: access to the sea. Barry Cunliffe explains

In 1934 the trawler Muroto, working out of Cardiff, dredged up a 2nd century AD Roman pot while fishing on the Porcupine Bank 250km west of the west coast of Ireland. What the find means we can only guess. Most likely it was lost overboard from a Roman trading vessel blown widely off course, but the possibility remains that it came from a more adventurous voyage of exploration - a failure perhaps about which history is silent.

More than 600 years earlier, a Carthaginian, Himilco, had sailed out of the Mediterranean deep into the Atlantic. After months at sea he found only sluggish, windless waters and clogging seaweed - he may possibly have reached the Sargasso Sea with its tangle of weed and the Doldrums beyond the Trade Winds - but he returned to tell the tale. Both ships' masters will have shared in common the belief that the Ocean was endless but that if they continued sailing west they might encounter islands famous in mythology but unknown in reality.

Our unnamed Roman captain may also have been aware of the hypothesis, common since the 2nd century BC, that the earth was a sphere and therefore it would, at least in theory, have been possible to reach the eastern shores of Asia by sailing west from Europe. But whatever their cognitive geography, the Ocean was a dangerous place to be avoided if possible - except for the coastal corridor, which allowed rapid and often easy communication around the arc of Ocean-facing Europe.

The importance of the Atlantic seaways to the development of European society has not always been fully appreciated. A hundred years ago when the Oxford geographer HJ Mackinder published Britain and the British Seas he presented the Ocean as a barrier to human communication. Yet ten years later one of the students of the same department, OGS Crawford, argued instead for the importance of the Atlantic seaways in the distribution of Early Bronze Age artefacts in the west of Britain.
Crawford's 1912 paper in Geographical Journal was a beginning to be followed over the next 60 years by a gallery of famous names - HJ Fleure, ET Leeds, Cyril Fox, Gordon Childe, Glyn Daniel and EG Bowen - all writing from different viewpoints but all convinced of the vital role played by the Ocean fringe in cultural transmissions.

Taking to the sea

Bowen's book Britain and the Western Seaways published in 1972 marked the culmination of this movement, but it came at a time when the mild geographical determinism it proclaimed (ie, that people's lifestyles were determined to some extent by where they lived) was deeply unpopular and archaeological minds were pursuing other fancies. Now 30 years on there is a new awareness of the vital importance of the varied resources which coastal communities commanded - and of the mobility offered by the sea.

At what stage people first began to take to the sea is difficult to say. The earliest log boat at present known comes from the Netherlands and dates to around 7000 BC, placing it firmly in the Mesolithic period. But there is some doubt as to whether craft of this kind could make long journeys on the open sea unless, of course, freeboard (the vertical distance between waterline and deck) was increased by attaching planks, and a greater stability introduced with outriggers or some such device.

This said, Grahame Clark put forward a convincing case some years ago arguing that Mesolithic coastal communities regularly made sea journeys in pursuit of shoals of fish like cod and hake. This kind of maritime mobility was after all little different from the terrestrial mobility of hunter-gatherers in following the herds of migrating animals. Both activities required navigational skills and it could well be argued that it was in the Upper Palaeolithic-Mesolithic period that communities learnt to use celestial phenomena to chart their courses and become aware of the different qualities of the prevailing winds, cloud formations and even wind-borne smells, in building up cognitive maps to enable them to travel more safely through their wider worlds. Indeed, it is only by assuming that sea travel created considerable mobility along the Atlantic seaways that the remarkable similarities in Mesolithic culture across this zone can be easily explained.

Our knowledge of the vessels in use in the prehistoric period is still uncomfortably slight. The log boat tradition, once established in the Mesolithic period, continued well into the Middle Ages. By the Iron Age, it had already reached heights of technical sophistication never to be surpassed, as the Hasholme boat of about 300 BC vividly demonstrates. This massive structure, nearly 13m long and 1.4m broad, was fashioned out of a single oak.

By this time, however, a far more complex plank-built tradition was established - and was already ancient. The earliest of these vessels, the justly famous North Ferriby boat, has recently been dated to about 1900 BC (see News). Others, from Caldicot, Dover and Brigg, show that the tradition was widespread in the British Isles at least until 800 BC. A few centuries later Caesar was describing the sturdy ocean-going ships of the Veneti of Armorica, massively constructed with thick nailed planks, high prowed, and square rigged with sails of rawhide to withstand the Atlantic gales. These vessels lie within a long-lived tradition of north-west Atlantic shipbuilding better known from actual Roman examples.

A third tradition of Atlantic shipbuilding involved light-framed vessels covered with hides. The earliest reference to these is in a Roman poem, Ora Maritima, in a section thought to be quoting from a 6th century BC document describing the ocean-going vessels of north-western Iberia. Hide boats carrying tin from Britain to Gaul are mentioned by Pliny (1st century AD), using earlier sources, and in the currachs of western Ireland we see the same tradition still in use even today.

No hide boat has yet been found but the famous gold model from Broighter, Co. Derry, of a square-rigged vessel with provision for seven rowers and a steersman manning a steering oar to the rear quarter, may well represent just such a vessel from the 1st century BC.

Although reliable evidence of the shipping that plied the Atlantic seaways in the prehistoric period is sparse it is quite clear from the few scraps we have, and from the copious archaeological evidence of contact between maritime countries, that the technical skills of the people, both in shipbuilding and navigation, must have been sufficiently advanced, even at a very early date, to allow voyages in the open sea to have been a normal part of life. We have, I believe, a tendency seriously to underestimate the abilities of our distant ancestors.
Spread of ideas

If we accept that networks of maritime communication along the entire Atlantic fa?ade had developed during the Mesolithic period, then it is easier to understand how the cultural traits of agro-pastoralism, which characterized the subsequent Neolithic way of life, quickly spread from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic coast of Portugal and from Continental Europe to the British Isles and Ireland.

It is easier, too, to understand the 'megalithic phenomenon' of the Neolithic which has featured large in archaeological writing over the past century or so. Since Colin Renfrew's devastating critique of the Mediterranean-centred view of 'megalithic origins' in the 1960s, and the publication of an increasing number of reliable radiocarbon dates for megalithic tombs along the Atlantic, the awareness has grown that during the 4th millennium BC there developed a belief system, shared from Portugal to Shetland, that involved the construction of megalithic collective tombs and the use, in ritual contexts, of a highly distinctive art.

There is also clear evidence of a deep understanding of celestial phenomena and the determination, in some areas, to align structures to 'capture' them. The great Neolithic tomb of Maes Howe in Orkney, for example, is so built that the setting midwinter sun shines straight down the passage to light the back wall of the chamber.

No one, nowadays, would wish to conjure up visions of 'megalithic missionaries' driven by religious ardour to spread the word among the benighted communities of the Atlantic littoral. It is, however, clear that the concepts behind the belief system originated somewhere along the Atlantic coast, quite possibly in north-western France, in the 5th millennium, and quickly spread along the existing networks of communication to be adopted into local belief systems all along the Atlantic fa?ade. The passage graves of the Tagus region, Brittany, Ireland and Orkney are local manifestations of a knowledge stream that included beliefs and rituals, technical skills of construction, common 'decorative' motifs, and a shared cosmology.

Exactly how these networks of communication worked it is difficult to say but we may suppose that the coastal communities were bound to neighbouring, or sometimes quite distant, peoples in complex socio-economic systems which involved patterns of travel at prescribed times, the ceremonial exchange of gifts, and other economic exchanges that could reasonably be called trade.

The best known example of this from recent times is the Kula Ring, which bound groups of island peoples in the Pacific in cycles of contact governed by complex rules well-understood by all the participants. Some such system would explain how the Atlantic coastal communities interacted and how information, in its broadest sense, came to be shared over considerable distances.

The high point of the megalithic phenomenon came about 3000 BC. Thereafter new factors began to enter into the equation - the most important being an increased demand for raw materials. In some of these the Atlantic zone was particularly well endowed.

By the end of the 3rd millennium tin, copper and gold were being extracted in considerable quantities and distributed through existing networks as well as along new axes of contact extending deep into mainland Europe along the major river valleys. Other items such as daggers made from honey-coloured 'Grand Pressigny' flint from the Loire valley and amber from the North Sea coast of Jutland were also entering the exchange networks.

By this time new belief systems were spreading throughout much of western and central Europe, most readily recognizable in a characteristic burial rite involving single inhumation usually accompanied by a set of artefacts including a beaker-like pot. The rapid spread of this 'Beaker culture', as it used to be called, is probably best explained simply in terms of a new belief system spreading very quickly along the long-established channels of trade and communication. One of these was, of course, the Atlantic seaways along which the concepts of the 'Beaker package' were widely disseminated and locally interpreted from Portugal to Scotland.

Growth of trade

By the end of the 2nd millennium (ie, in the middle of the Late Bronze Age) trade in bronze, and no doubt a wide range of other commodities less visible in the archaeological record, seems to have intensified with each of the coastal regions feeding its own distinctive produce into the flow. Amid the confusing variety of implements and weapons found in the maritime region, certain items of �lite gear stand out as common to most areas. Circular shields, long swords and spears were the normal equipment of the warrior but so too were cauldrons, hooks for clawing the hunks of meat out of the stew, and spits for roasting the joint over the fire. These were items appropriate to the feast which would have formed the focus of gatherings hosted by society's leaders.

What the distribution of artefacts shows is that these same social values were adopted throughout the Atlantic zone. Had a warrior from the Algarve sailed to Aberdeenshire he would have found much in local behaviour and equipment that was very familiar.

Until about 800 BC it is highly probable that the Mediterranean and the Atlantic remained largely separate oceans, though there must have been some shipping movements between them, but after about 800 BC all this changed. The occasion was the establishment of a port-of-trade on the islands of Gadir (Roman Gades, modern Cadiz) by Phoenician traders from the ports of Tyre and Sidon on the coast of what is now Lebanon. The initial impetus for this remarkable commercial adventure was the Assyrian demand for large quantities of silver which the Phoenician middle-men obtained for them from the metal-rich region of south-western Iberia.

Gadir was admirably sited to exploit the trading opportunities of the region and once established the traders could venture further, down the African coast to acquire gold and ivory and along the Atlantic shores of Iberia where copper, gold and tin were to be had. The curious, ornate sailing ships of the Phoenicians were soon to become a familiar sight as they explored the Atlantic coastlines beyond the Pillars of Hercules.

Once the Straits were opened up to Mediterranean shipping Gadir became a focus for more adventurous expeditions. Some time in the 5th century the Carthaginian Himilco sailed into the Atlantic but claims to have found nothing after three months' sailing. Later another Carthaginian, Hanno, pushed south along the African coast possibly as far as Cameroon. Both were courageous voyages, but were only the best published of the many that were surely made.

The end of the 4th century saw another remarkable journey - that of Pytheas of Massalia (now Marseille). He probably travelled overland along the Aude - Carcassonne Gap - Garonne - Gironde route to the Atlantic, and then sailed on local shipping to explore the sources of British tin and Jutish amber. In doing so he seems to have circumnavigated Britain and may even have got to Iceland. Returning safely to Massalia, he wrote a book On the Ocean which became quite widely known in the Mediterranean for its strange tales of the mysterious Ocean peoples.

Increasing knowledge of the Atlantic sea routes in the Hellenistic, and later the Roman, world seems to have had little effect on local shipping other than bringing the coasts of Africa and Iberia firmly into the sphere of Mediterranean influence. The north-west, from Armorica northwards, continued much as before and it was probably along the traditional seaways that items of Late Iron Age 'La T�ne' art were introduced to Britain and Ireland, there to be copied by innovative local craftsmen intent on introducing their own interpretations and improvements.

Roman interlude

The Roman conquest of the West - first Iberia and later Gaul and Britain - brought major changes to the social and economic dynamics of the Atlantic zone. Maritime traffic, of course, continued as a number of shipwrecks bear witness: a vessel carrying Italian wine lost off the southern coast of Armorica, one carrying British lead wrecked on Les Septs Iles off Armorica's north coast, and a vessel with blocks of pitch from western France catching fire and sinking in the harbour of St Peter Port, Guernsey.

But now, with a new system of roads in place and an unaccustomed peace imposed over the recently-conquered Provinces, land transport, by road and river, began to play a dominant role. It was only with the end of the Roman interlude in the 5th century AD that the old sea routes began to come into their own again.

The millennium from AD 500-1500 saw the communities of the Atlantic fa?ade re-establish themselves once more as a dominant force in European development. At the beginning the flow of goods was comparatively meagre, but by the end of the Middle Ages the volume and range of goods moved by sea were enormous, including wine, wool, linen, salt fish, dried fruits and pilgrims - the cargoes offered unlimited variety.

It was familiarity with the Ocean and a technical competence to master it, born of many millennia of tradition, that ensured the readiness of the ships' masters of Spain, Portugal, France and Britain and later Holland to face the Ocean as global explorers - and as the instruments of colonization when at last the challenge came.

Barry Cunliffe is Professor of European Archaeology at Oxford University. His books, 'Facing the Ocean' (OUP, ?25.00) and 'The Extraordinary Voyage of Pytheas the Greek' (Penguin, ?12.99) were both published last year. All images, copyright as credited, are taken from 'Facing the Ocean'.
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« Reply #7 on: November 23, 2006, 02:24:43 PM »

Lyonesse
Lyonesse, Lyoness, or Lyonnesse is the sunken land believed in legend to lie off the Isles of Scilly, to the south-west of Cornwall. It is sometimes associated with Avalon. The Trevelyan family of Cornwall takes its coat of arms from a local legend; "when Lyonesse sank beneath the waves only a man named Trevelyan escaped by riding a white horse." To this day the family's shield bears a white horse rising from the waves.

According to Arthurian legend, Lyonesse is the birthplace of Tristan, son of King Meliodas (or Rivalen). One of the signs of King Arthur's return will be that Lyonesse will rise from the depths again.

Alfred, Lord Tennyson's Arthurian epic, Idylls of the King, describes Lyonesse as the site of the final battle between Arthur and Mordred. One passage in particular references legends of Lyonesse as a land fated to sink beneath the ocean:

    Then rose the King and moved his host by night
    And ever pushed Sir Mordred, league by league,
    Back to the sunset bound of Lyonesse--
    A land of old upheaven from the abyss
    By fire, to sink into the abyss again;
    Where fragments of forgotten peoples dwelt,
    And the long mountains ended in a coast
    Of ever-shifting sand, and far away
    The phantom circle of a moaning sea.


A real-life counterpart to Lyonesse is the fishing port of Dunwich.

Kings of Lyonesse
There is evidence that in Roman times the Isles of Scilly were one large island, known as Siluram Insulam (or Sylina Insula). According to legend, Lyonesse stretched from Scilly to Land's End at the westernmost tip of Cornwall, and once had some 140 churches. Its capital was the City of Lions (sometimes given as Carlyon), located on what is now the treacherous Seven Stones reef. The names of the traditional kings of Lyonesse are derived from Welsh and Arthurian myth. Tristram Fawr may have been an historical Cornish character.

    * Ffelig (fl. circa 445)

All that is known of Ffelig, recorded as Felix, comes from the Prose Tristan and later Italian romances. In the latter stories, he was the father of Meliodas.

    * Meliodas ap Ffelig (fl. circa 475)

Son of Ffelig. Married Isabelle, daughter of King Meirchion of Cornwall.

    * Tristram Fawr, the Elder (fl. circa 510)

Son of Meliodias. The famous Tristram of Arthurian legend, he was sent by his maternal uncle, King Mark of Cornwall, to fetch the latter's intended bride Iseult from Ireland. Tristram fell in love with Iseult, but ended up marrying a different woman of the same name, Iseult of the White Hands, whom he did not love. He eventually died of a broken heart, having been tricked by his jealous wife into thinking his true love had forsaken him.

    * Tristram Fychan, the Younger (died 537)

Son of Tristram Fawr. Only appears in the very late Italian I Due Tristani.

Following the Battle of Camlann, supposedly in 537, King Arthur's men fled west across Lyonesse, pursued by Mordred and his men. Arthur's men survived by reaching what are now the Isles of Scilly, but Mordred's men perished in the inundation.

Lyonesse in Celtic mythology
The legend of a sunken kingdom appears in both Cornish and Breton mythology. In Christian times it came to be viewed as a sort of Cornish Sodom and Gomorrah, an example of divine wrath provoked by unvirtuous living, although the parallels were limited in that Lyonesse remained in Cornish thought very much a mystical and mythical land, comparable to the role of Tir na n?g in Irish mythology.

There is a Breton parallel in the tale of the Cit? d'Ys, similarly drowned as a result of its debauchery with a single virtuous survivor escaping on a horse, in this case King Gradlon.

It is often suggested that the tale of Lyonesse represents an extraordinary survival of folk memory of the flooding of the Isles of Scilly and Mount's Bay near Penzance. For example, the Cornish name of St Michael's Mount is Carrack Looz en Cooz - literally, "the grey rock in the wood". Cornish people around Penzance still believe strongly in a sunken forest in Mount's Bay, and visitors to the area can be shown "evidence" of the forest (usually petrified drift wood) by locals. The importance of the maintenance of this memory can be seen in that it came to be associated with legendary British hero Arthur.
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« Reply #8 on: April 24, 2007, 01:04:08 AM »

Lost world warning from North Sea 
   
By Sean Coughlan - BBC News education

   Archaeologists are uncovering a huge prehistoric "lost country" hidden below the North Sea

   This lost landscape, where hunter gatherer communities once lived, was swallowed by rising water levels at the end of the last ice age.

How a homestead might have looked in the flooded area

   University of Birmingham researchers are heralding "stunning" findings as they map the "best-preserved prehistoric landscape in Europe". This large plain had disappeared below the water more than 8,000 years ago.

   Scientists at the University of Birmingham have been using oil exploration technology to build a map of the once-inhabited area that now lies below the North Sea - stretching from the east coast of Britain up to the Shetland Islands and across to Scandinavia.

'Terrifying'

   "It's like finding another country," says Professor Vince Gaffney, chair in Landscape Archaeology and Geomatics.   

Prehistoric rivers, hills and valleys are mapped off the east coast

   It also serves as a warning for the scale of impact that climate change can cause, says Professor Gaffney. Human communities would have lost their homelands as the rising water began to encroach upon the wide, low-lying plains.

   "At times this change would have been insidious and slow - but at times it could have been terrifyingly fast. It would have been very traumatic for these people," he says.

   "It would be a mistake to think that these people were unsophisticated or without culture... they would have had names for the rivers and hills and spiritual associations - it would have been a catastrophic loss," says Professor Gaffney.

   As the temperature rose and glaciers retreated and water levels rose, the inhabitants would have been pushed off their hunting grounds and forced towards higher land - including to what is now modern-day Britain.

The rising water levels began to remake the coastline

   "In 10,000 BC hunter gatherers were living on the land in the middle of the North Sea. By 6,000 BC, Britain was an island. The area we have mapped was wiped out in the space of 4,000 years," says Professor Gaffney.
So far the team has examined a 23,000 square kilometre area of the sea bed - mapping out coastlines, rivers, hills, sandbanks and salt marshes as they would have appeared about 12,000 years ago.

   And once the physical features have been established, Professor Gaffney says it will be possible to narrow the search for sites that could yield more evidence of how these prehistoric people lived. These inhabitants would have lived in family groups in huts and hunted animals such as deer.

   The mapping of this landscape could also raise questions about its preservation, says Professor Gaffney - and how it can be protected from activities such as pipe-laying and the building of wind farms.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/education/6584011.stm
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« Reply #9 on: April 26, 2007, 01:59:23 PM »

I would like to add a very recent reference to your discussion.  In the 10 April 2007 issue of EOS, Transactions of the American Geophysical Union, he front page article was "Emergence of Complex Societies After Sea Level Stabilized" by JW Daly Jr, JD Gunn, WJ Folan, A Yanez-Arancibica and BP Horton.  In summary, global sea level rise slowed significantly at about 7,000 years before present (ybp).  Prior to this time, the rapid rise in sea level prevented the development of coastal/estuarine ecosystem that could support a large marine/terrestrial/marginal marine food web.  As sea level rise slowed, the drowning of river valleys produced large estuarine systems that now had coastline and water depths that were (and still are) persistent for  long enough periods of time for organisms such as oysters, clams and fish nurseries to establish themselves in significant numbers.  This explosion in coastal biomass is proposed to be the source of food that allowed hunter-gathering societies to become rooted in one area and develop complex civilizations, about 5000-6000 ybp.

Day, JW, Jr, Gunn, JD, Folan, WJ, Yanez-Aranciba, A, and Horton, BP, 2007, Emergence of complex societies after sea level stabilized: EOS-Transactions of the American Geophysical Union, v. 88, n. 15, p. 169-170 (10 Apr 2007).

This is a very interesting assessment of the development of civilizations.  The time period of slowing sea-level rise is on that has occurred at an interesting time when viewed in light of climate records.  The very cold temperatures of the last Glacial Maximum are far in the past, and the last major cooling spike (the 8200-year event) has just concluded.  The rapid retreat of northern hemisphere ice has slowed and there is not a large influx of water into the oceans to allow for rapid sea-level rise.  This is also a time of temperatures that were as warm, as the present.  An ideal situation for explosion of civilization.  Yet, we do not see major remains of the first coastal civilizations.  The continued global sea-level rise has effectively wiped the record of these civilizations from the record in all but a few special locations. 
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Solomon
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« Reply #10 on: April 26, 2007, 11:37:55 PM »

Welcome to History Hunters  Cheesy

I appreciate especially your academic background and will value your contributions here.

Temperatures rise and fall, ice ages come and go with apparent regularity. Modern man appears to have spread out from Africa tens of thousands of years ago, probably following the coastline and so lived off the coastal ecosystem.

In that light, I am not sure how the piece you mention allows this outward, global migration.

The civilisations referred include those of the 'Fertile Crescent', a good part of which does not fit the ecosystem described. There, I understand, civilisation - specifically the flowering of urban civilisation - came about through the development of agriculture and the resultant food surpluses.

I would suggest that such an ecosystem would have had a greater impact in earlier periods, related to earlier ice ages.

A final point concerning the term 'complex civilisation'. In my view, primitive society is complex and more modern less so. I think that 'civilisation' or 'urban society' would suit better.

Solomon
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YellowBoat
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« Reply #11 on: April 27, 2007, 12:56:05 AM »

Solomon....

Thanks for the welcome.  You are correct in your general statement about the path of peopling of the world and I agree that the coastal resource must have played an important role during this movement.  But, prior to approximate 7000 ybp, the rate of sea level was, at times, 1 or 2 orders of magnitude in excess of the time period just after 7000 ybp.  Daly et al. (2007) cite dramatic changes in the composition and occurrences of middens indicating a change to a more marine-based food source.  They attirbute this change to the slow down of sea level rise and the development of complex coastal ecosystems that are not sustainable at rate much in excess of what the world is currently experiencing.  These ecosystems include salt marshes, mangroves and numerous other types of accumulations of biological activity (ie coral reefs, oysters)  They go on to cite evidence for the first class-based systems occurring on estuaries and lower flood plains of river systems, specifically Poverty Point in the USA and the Olmec in Mexico.  They continue their discussion to reference interior societies developing new food sources and agricultural techniques that led to "food sources of comparable scale".  this is where the fertile crescent would fall.

By approximately 7000 ybp, major societies were established on every continent (except Antarctica).  The majority of these were primarily hunter-gathers or very small scale civilizations that did not leave an "urban footprint" on the landscape.  The migration out of Africa would have been completed by this time.

I must agree with your statement about the difference between complex civilization, primitive societies and urbanized societies.  I was attempting to stay as true to the original article as possible.

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« Reply #12 on: April 27, 2007, 05:45:42 AM »

With regard to Ice Ages and rising sea levels let me add this bit of intelligence:

Rapid Sea Level Rise In The Arctic Ocean May Alter Views Of Human Migration

Science Daily ? Scientists have found new evidence that the Bering Strait near Alaska flooded into the Arctic Ocean about 11,000 years ago, about 1,000 years earlier than widely believed, closing off the land bridge thought to be the major route for human migration from Asia to the Americas.

Knowledge of climate change and sea level rise in the Arctic Ocean has been limited because sediment cores collected from the floor of the Arctic Ocean have been taken from locations where sediment has accumulated only about one centimeter (less than one-half inch) every 1,000 years. Such slow rates make it impossible for scientists to distinguish between one millennium and the next.

In a paper in the October issue of Geology magazine, lead author Lloyd Keigwin of the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution (WHOI) and colleagues from WHOI, Neal Driscoll from Scripps Institution of Oceanography at UC San Diego and Julie Brigham-Grette of the University of Massachusetts, Amherst report results from three new core sites north and west of Alaska in the Chukchi Sea. At these locations, accumulation of sediment is more than 100 times greater than at previous sites, allowing identification of climate changes that were previously unseen. During the expeditions, the researchers extracted the longest piston core ever obtained from the Arctic region.

The Chukchi Sea in the Arctic Ocean covers part of the continental shelf exposed when sea level fell during the last glacial maximum, about 20,000 years ago. When sea level was low the climate in the area was more continental across a large area of the Arctic, and when sea level was high the flow of water from the North Pacific Ocean through the Bering Strait between Russia and Alaska, where the sill depth is 50 meters (165 feet), affected the freshwater and nutrient balance of the Arctic and the North Atlantic.  The traditional view that humans and fauna migrated across the exposed shelf before flooding has been challenged by recent studies suggesting a maritime route for migration.

?Although we have only a few cores, this is the first evidence of flooding of the Chukchi Sea by 11,000 years ago, at least 1,000 years before previously thought,? Keigwin said.  ?The new data are also consistent with data from other recent studies, and show potential for developing ocean and climate histories of this region.?

Keigwin, a senior scientist in the WHOI Geology and Geophysics Department, and colleagues surveyed and collected cores from many locations in the Bering and Chukchi Seas in 2002 to study climate and sea level.  Cores from these sites reveal that rising sea level flooded the Bering Strait about 12,000 years before present. Since 7,000 years ago, very little sediment has eroded from Alaska compared to before that time, and beginning about 4,000 years ago there has been a decline in biological productivity that may have resulted from increased sea ice or decreased nutrient supply from the Bering Strait.

?Our research suggests there was more ice present in the region during the last glacial period than previously thought,? said co-author Neal Driscoll, a professor in the Geosciences Research Division at Scripps Oceanography. ?Evidence of an increased sedimentation rate, along with deep valleys cut into the continental shelf when sea level was rising rapidly during the deglaciation, helped guide us to that result. Additional ice in this region of the Arctic is an important discovery,  and is significant in helping our understanding of climate models, circulation and precipitation during glacial periods.?

Cores from Hope Valley on the Chukchi shelf and Barrow Canyon off Point Barrow, Alaska contain high resolution records of climate, sea-level change and the history of the sediment source.  The researchers sampled the cores to identify skeletons of animals, known as foraminifera, that can be traced to specific water and atmospheric temperatures. The samples were also radiocarbon dated at the National Ocean Sciences Accelerator Mass Spectrometry facility at WHOI.

The cores were collected during a cruise in 2002 on the U.S. Coast Guard Cutter Healy. The research was funded by the National Science Foundation and the Oak Foundation.

Note: This story has been adapted from a news release issued by Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution.
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